While Part IV of this series covered the Exodus itself, this post will focus on the Sinai covenant. This will be the last post in the series for a while, as I'd like to take a break and cover some other topics.
The importance of the
 covenant formed at Sinai is that it established a formal relationship between the 
people and their deity as divine liberator.  "...the deity had liberated
 them, and now constituted the group as his people; so their proper 
response was to obey his commands and laws in running their corporate 
and individual lives as his subjects."1
The Tabernacle
We begin with archaeological background related to the tabernacle.  If there were no tabernacle-like 
structures during the time of the exodus and/or if tabernacles were 
common during or after the exile, this would lend credence to "critical 
orthodoxy," which, as we have seen, claims that Judaism as it appears in
 the Bible was invented during the exile.  However, if there are 
analogous structures during the time of the exodus or before, then it is
 entirely possible that there was a tabernacle, later to be replaced by 
Solomon's temple.
As it turns out, there is a fair precedent of tabernacles, both sacred and secular, 
in the 3rd, early 2nd, and late 2nd millenia.  Two in particular were 
discovered in the 1920s at the Giza pyramids in the tomb of a queen of 
Egypt.  Being in a tomb, they were still intact (except for the cloth), 
though dismantled - one secular, one sacred.  There are also pictures 
and writings of tabernacles, both in Egypt and Ugarit.
The closest analogue to the biblical tabernacle was the tent set up 
by Ramesses II on the eve of the Battle of Qadesh, shown in the temple 
war scenes he erected.  "His rectangular tent (like the tabernacle) was 
divided into two parts, with an outer room twice the length of the inner
 room of the king himself.  In some representations the inner room has 
figures of divine falcons facing each other and shadowing the royal name
 with their wings, much as the cherubim did for the cover of that ark in
 the tabernacle.  The outer court with palisade sets the king's tent 
apart precisely as did the curtained-off court of the tabernacle.  Both 
courts were rectangular, in strong contrast to first-millennium usage, 
when Assyrian camps were regularly round or oval, more economical of 
space.  Any Hebrew account of first-millennium date should have had a 
round, not rectangular, court.  Egypt's four army divisions would have 
camped on the four sides of the king's enclosure, like the four groups 
of three tribes each on the four sides of the tabernacle court."2
The Jewish tabernacle was very modest in size, with a maximum scale of 15 
by 45 feet; in comparison, the personal temple of Ramesses II was much larger - 200 by 
600 feet.  As far as transportation, six wagons and twelve oxen (Num. 
7:3-8) seems feasible.  Ramesses IV in a massive expedition of 8,300 
people used ten wagons and several oxen for each wagon.
Within the tabernacle sat the Ark of the Covenant.  The ark is very similar to that of a box from Tutankhamun's 
tomb; further, the idea of an empty sacred throne is not without 
precedent, as depictions in the Deir el-Bahri temple show a portable but
 empty "lion throne", with the invisible or absent occupant symbolized 
by a feather fan.
As far as personnel, inductions, rituals, and offerings, there are some similarities between those found in the OT to contemporary peoples.  The rituals and celebrations in the Hebrew festival 
calendar are by no means out of the realm of possibility, as Egypt had 
far more elaborate celebration calendars.
There are far too many other points of comparison to mention.  "Thus, for the Sinai 
tabernacle, in retrospect, we possess a considerable - and growing - 
amount of valuable comparative data that favor the hypothesis that a 
small but well-decorated dismountable tent shrine (based on usages of 
its time) accompanied the Hebrews from Sinai to Canaan, its rituals 
being of appropriate modesty in extent and format."3
The Covenant
Kitchen traces the development of treaty, law,
 and covenant, splitting it into six chronological phases.  "It is 
vitally important to understand that the documents of each phase are 
sharply different in format and full content from those in the phases 
before and after them.  There is no ambiguity.  Only II has traits that 
reappear in V.  Thus this sequence presents us with a very clear and 
precise framework for dating further examples such as newly excavated 
and published finds, and also the Sinai covenant."4
There are some eighty to ninety documents of this type from the 
ancient Near East; because of the sheer number, it is 
impossible for me to summarize adequately, so I can only 
give you the conclusion.  "Sinai and its two renewals - especially the 
version in Deuteronomy - belong squarely within phase V, within 
1400-1200, and no other date.  The impartial and very extensive evidence sets this matter beyond any further dispute.  It is not  my creation, it is inherent in the mass of original documents themselves, and so cannot be gainsaid, if the brute facts are to be respected."5
Now, the implications of this conclusion are important.  The first 
is simply that there is no way out from the facts.  Second, the characteristic
 format strongly suggests the writer came from a royal court, as private
 citizens had no access to such formatting and style of formal 
documents.  So it could not have been made by the delusion leader of some runaway slaves who have little to no understanding of formal writing.  The conclusion is obvious; the leader must have 
been educated, and probably in an Egyptian court.  The biblical account of Moses' upbringing is certainly a plausible 
explanation.
Third, "that the bulk of Deuteronomy in form and content is 
irrevocably tied to usage in the late second millennium is a fact that 
clashes horribly with the hallowed speculations about the origins and 
history of 'Deuteronomic' thought that have been developed across two 
hundred years, and in particular with the last sixty years and with the 
'minimalism' of the last decade or so."6  Here Kitchen provides the most 
thorough summary and critique of the Documentary Hypothesis (a.k.a. the 
Wellhausen Hypothesis).  We've touched on it several times throughout 
these reports, so it might have been difficult to get a grasp on the 
theory.  Here's my own brief summary.  First, it should be noted that the theory is essentially a priori,
 as it depends solely on the biblical text itself, not any external 
evidence such as archaeology.  The idea is that the book of Deuteronomy 
was written in the seventh century, and that this sparked the reforms of
 Josiah in 621.  This then formed the thinking of the prophets and 
writers that followed, in the end producing a continuous 'Deuteronomic 
History' from Moses down to the Babylonian exile.  So, based on this 
theory, it is all either adapted history to fit the theology or 
completely fabricated 'history' molded by the theology.  There are many 
other details, but that's the basic gist.  Needless to say, under the 
scrutiny of actual historical inquiry, it fails catastrophically.  See Kitchen's book for a summary of its many shortcomings.7
Fourth and finally, an interesting discrepancy emerges.  The form of
 the covenant is clearly 2nd millennium, yet the actual language of the 
Hebrew recorded in the Bible is not from that period; it is from 
somewhat later.  Further, there are large sections in which Moses is 
referred to in the third person, and if Moses were to have written the 
entire Torah, there are some of the awkward issues such as his recording his 
own death.8  Kitchen's take is that 1) some of the passages were written 
by a scribe in third-personalize dictation, 2) others represent a 
write-up of the text either a short time after the events described or 
after Moses' death, and 3) the entirety of the work was transcribed many
 times, with grammatical and spelling changes made to modernize the 
text.  This was a universal practice in the ANE, and the scribes were 
very accurate.  We have Egyptian, Mesopotamian (Sumerian and Akkadian), 
Hittite, Ugarite, and other texts exemplifying this.
To end the chapter, Kitchen summarizes previous discussion about the
 dating of the exodus (found in report #5), and pegs the date of the 
exodus at 1260/1250BC.
Notes:
1.  Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament, p. 274
2.  Ibid., p. 278
3.  Ibid., p. 283
4.  Ibid., p. 285
5.  Ibid., p. 287-8
6.  Ibid., p. 299
7.  That's not so say OROT is the only source to find such a critique.  There are others as well.  One of the more well known works that critiques the Documentary Hypothesis is the aptly named book, The Documentary Hypothesis, by Umberto Cassuto.  The book is a bit dated, as the hypothesis has been adjusted in the decades since the lectures that form the basis of the book were given, but it is still a valuable resource.
8.  Incidentally, these are at least some of the issues that lead to the Documentary Hypothesis. 
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